The struggle
for self-determination and affirmation by subjugated ethnic groups in Nigeria
dates back to the pre-colonial era; with the first recorded and significant step
in agitation taken in the 1953 constitutional conference. While in 1954, there
was trickling in of request for the creation of autonomous divisions, which
laid the foundation for subsequent agitations that necessitated the
constitution of the Harry Willink Commission in 1957 by the British Colonial
secretary, set up primarily to look into the fears of the minority ethnic
groups in the Nigerian area.
It is without doubt that it was the in-balance
in the colonial political structure and preferences that exacerbated the
subjugation of some ethnic groups, especially those stereo-typed as pagans or minorities,
who even before the arrival of the colonialist where vicious targets for slaves
raids, extraction of tributes and socio-cultural imperialism.
It is in
allaying these long standing fears of the subjugated and marginalized ethnic
groups that the post-independence constitution (regions) and the subsequent
ones, down to the present amended 1999 constitution have made provisions for
state creation. In between this period till date, 36 states have been created
and are currently in existence out of the avalanche of agitations and requests of
both contenders and pretenders.
One of such
legitimate contender that has agitated for over three decades now is the good
people of Southern Kaduna; who have vehemently, and qualified to do so,
demanded for the creation of Gurara state out of the present Kaduna state. The
agitations for Gurara state can be premised on two realities. First, the area
to be carved out as Gurara state has a land mass of about 28,393 square
kilometers, with favorable rainfall for agricultural activities and potential human
resources for development of about 3,383,207 people. In fact, the request made
by the proponents of Gurara state in 2010 was adjudged the best in line with and
in fulfillment of the requirements of section 8 (1) of the 1999 constitution.
Secondly, as
a result of political subjugation, economic in-balance and other forms of deliberate
systemic marginalization; Kaduna state over the years has become polarized,
leading to cleavages along the lines of northern and southern parts of the
state, political, religion and ethnicity. The tension emanating from the mutual
mistrust and suspicion have led to violent confrontations in the state over the
years. No wonder, after the Sharia crisis of 2000, the committee set-up to
investigate the crisis by the then governor of the state, now senator Ahmed
Makarfi recommended the splitting of the state.
That is the
more reason why it did not come as a surprise when the just concluded Nigerian
National Conference recommended the creation of Gurara state among the 18 new
states in addition to the 36 states already in existence. Another decision made
by the conference that did not also come as a surprise, but which elicited
vociferous excitement and commendation, is the inclusion of Lere local
government as part of the 13 local governments that make-up Gurara state. This
is so because the recommendations are a true reflection of the hopes and
aspirations of the good of people southern Kaduna and the majority of genuine
indigenes of Lere local government especially those from the Kurama extraction.
Our excitement and anxiety emanates from our
determined desire to return to the pre- 1992 southern senatorial zone
arrangement where the Kurama people share more cultural and traditional
affiliation, which falls in the proposed Gurara state. These agitations are
justifiable with the myriad of monumental marginalization and discrimination
meted out on the Kurama people in the present arrangement in Kaduna state. This
is evident up on till now in the inequalities in the distribution of
appointments, contracts, allocation of resources and infrastructure, dividends
of democracy, and the stigma of a second class citizen on our land.
In terms of
population, according to the Zaria gazetteer of 1911, the Kurama population far
exceeds that of ethnic groups such as Moro’a, Kagoro, Jaba and Chawai. It is
expected that these numbers should have increased by now; majorly due to the
absence of any major man-made or natural disaster to stagnate the population growth.
It is also on record that the Kurama people have been in their present location
or territory since the 14th century, while other ethnic groups in
Lere local government arrived the area around 1773. History also has shown us
that Lere district (now Lere L.G) came up as a result of a merger of two Kurama
dominated districts of Kudaru and Garu, while the other is Lere district, into
a single entity in 1936.
It is on
record also that the gazetted population of Lere L.G according to the 2006
national census is 331,161. In the same light, the population is relatively
shared by the four chiefdoms; one again curiously begins to wonder why there is
inequality in the distribution of the 300 polling units and constituency wards.
The absence of the corresponding polling units to reflect the actual population
spread and strength in Kurama dominated areas can only be explained as a systematic
ploy to subjugate the Kurama people by denying them access to political
positions, participation, institutions and dividends of governance and
democracy.
The legitimate
agitations by the Kurama people by extension Lere local government to be part
of Gurara state is premise on our firm desire to close the wide gulf which
exists in terms of access to opportunities and inclusiveness, and to increase
our chances for socio-economic development and political representation. To also
put a halt to the deliberate and systematic denigration of the Kurama people to
second class status on their land, and also to break the shackles of political
and cultural subjugation.
It is in
deciding our fate that the true representatives of the Kurama people have unanimously
endorsed our aspirations of belonging to Gurara state; they include some of our
political office-holders, traditional rulers, religious leaders, community
elders, ethnic associations and the youth (whose future is at stake). This gripping
desire is evident in the intimate romance that had flourished between the
Kurama people and their brothers in the area that make up the proposed Gurara
state, especially in the activities in the struggle for the creation of Gurara
state by the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU). This can probably be
attributed to years of being subjected to the same fate of subjugation,
discrimination, marginalization and ridicule in the present Kaduna state.
In
conclusion, in view of the reality that there exist some pockets of divergent school
of thought running contrary to the popular will of the good people of Kurama nation
in pitching their tent with their brothers in the Gurara area, we recognize and
respect the legitimate right of the minority (in terms of number and
inclusiveness) to have their say, but we insist that the majority should have
their way.
That is why
the moral burden for the actualization of the hopes and aspirations of the peace
loving people of Kurama nation lies with all the stakeholders saddled with the responsibility
for the creation of Gurara state. They should remember that history and
posterity would always be there to place a verdict on their actions.
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